Showing posts with label pro-choice. Show all posts
Showing posts with label pro-choice. Show all posts

Death Penalty and Abortion Facts and Figures

DEATH PENALTY DIALOGUE (Facts and Figures)

FOLLOWED BY ABORTION DIALOGUE

TIM (Timothy):

When those racists in Texas hooked that Black man up to their truck and dragged him to his death, the people of Texas (without hate crime legislation) showed their disapproval of violent racism by giving the killers the ultimate penalty.

ED: Texas also showed its disapproval of retarded murderers by executing them too. Texas is an equal opportunity executor. Has been for over a century. Back in 1930 Texas led by executed 633 people. Next closest state was Georgia with 402 executions. Then in 1977 Texas executed 336 people. Next closest state was Missouri with 61.

But even being the leader by far in executions has not made Texas the safest state to live in.

Most dangerous states to live in, in 2005: Texas is the 11th most dangerous state out of 50.

In the year 2000 Texas had the 8th highest total Crime Index [per capita].

For Violent Crime Texas ranked the 13th highest occurrence for Violent Crime among the states.

As of 2003 The Texas murder rate was 6.4, tied for 8th highest murder rate in the nation, while the states with equal or higher murder rates were:

Arkansas, 6.4

Alabama 6.6

Tennessee 6.8

Illinois 7.1

Georgia 7.6

Maryland 9.5

Louisiana 13.0

DC 44.2

All the other states had lower murder rates in 2003.

Here's some more interesting figures:

Serious violent crime levels have declined since 1993.
The number of prisoners under sentence of death at year end 2003 decreased for the third consecutive year.

In 2004, only 59 inmates were executed in the entire U.S., 6 fewer than in 2003.


TIM: 70% of America supports the death penalty!

ED: [from the web] Of the 38 U.S. states that employ the death penalty, Colorado has executed one prisoner since 1976 (the year that the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty), while Texas executed 309 in that same period.

Since the Supreme Court decision in 1976, 506 inmates in 12 southern states have been executed, compared to 121 elsewhere in the nation, according to the Death Penalty Information Center in Washington, D.C.

Texas leads the nation with 211 executions and 458 death row inmates, followed by Virginia with 76 executions and 32 inmates and Florida with 46 executions and 393 death row inmates, as of March 31.

The other Southern states are Louisiana, with 25 executions and 85 inmates; South Carolina, 24 and 69; Georgia, 23 and 130; Oklahoma, 23 and 152; Arkansas, 21 and 41; Alabama, 21 and 182; North Carolina, 15 and 221; Mississippi, 4 and 62; and Kentucky, 2 and 39.

Studies have shown that southern states support the death penalty because of a biblical belief in retribution or vengeance.

Southern states perform 80 percent of the executions in the country and repeatedly have the highest murder rate, according to federal Bureau of Justice statistics. The Northeast, which has less than 1 percent of all executions in the U.S., has the lowest murder rate, the BOJ reports. In 1997, the last year that the statistics cover, the South's murder rate was 8.4 per 100,000; the Northeast's was 4.8 per 100,000.

Does it prevent crime?

Some studies suggest that the death penalty may actually increase the number of murders rather than deter them, according to "Homicide Studies," a 1997 publication.

A 1995 study by the Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice found the average annual increase in homicides in California was twice as high during the years executions were carried out than in years when no one was executed.

The study compared homicide rates during 1952-1967, when an execution occurred on an average of every two months, with the homicide rates between 1968 and 1991, when no executions occurred. The study showed that the average percentage increase in murder rates was 10 percent when executions were occurring and 4.8 percent when they were not.

Another study of executions in New York from 1907 to 1963, when the state was executing more than any other state, found that, on the average, homicides increased in the month following an execution, according to "Deterrence or Brutalization: What is the Effect of Executions?"


TIM: Critics of the death penalty say that it has not lowered crime in America, but that's because America does not use the death penalty in such a way that it would lower crime. Only a very tiny fraction of convicted killers is given the death penalty, and even then, it usually takes 10 years or more to kill the guy, long after most everyone has forgotten about the crime (except, of course, for the victims' families). Even then, liberals amass enormous legal, media, and economic forces to prevent the execution.

ED: You want people executed quicker and more often and for all to see? That was tried already. Public executions for everything from stealing to murder were the sole most grisly form of public entertainment for much of human history. Yet crimes continued, as did wars, torture, etc.

As for quickening up the pace and number of executions, you don't want the wheels of justice to move so swiftly that somebody gets lynched an hour after each murder in town is committed? There has to be some happy medium as to how fast or slow the wheels of justice turn and how justly and thoroughly each case is examined by judges, lawyers and forensics experts, right?

Neither is justice "simple" when wealthy people are being tried. They can pay to have the "most" justice, the most thorough lawyers, the best counter arguments.

As things stand, crime has gone down since 1993, not up, and the rate of executions has likewise gone down, as I pointed out above. At least we can both be happy about those figures.

Let me add that in the great ages of faith, execution (preceded sometimes by torture to make the person confess) was used for not only murder, but for other crimes as well, including theft; not showing one's lordship the correct respect; blasphemy; or being a witch. They didn't have large prisons to keep people interred for a long time. They tortured you and/or killed you, and that was that. Did it lower crime? Travellers continued to be set upon by thieving highwaymen who might kill them so the highwaymen couldn't be identified and convicted of the crime, the streets had roving bands of theives, the poor revolted against their lords even in Luther's day during the Peasant uprising. And in the 17th century Christians killed Christians in the greatest (death per capita) war that Europe has seen to this day.

Moreover, if a person hates another person so much, or is so demented as to think murdering others is a turn on, or is so desirious of killing others for either their wealth, or to "even the score," or to "set justice right," then I don't think that fear of punishment, eternal or otherwise, is going to deter them.

As I said, the death penalty was more widely used during the great ages of faith, yet there was still criminality back then, even with PUBLIC EXECUTIONS, which also where the only major form of grisly entertainment back then, since they didn't have adventure movies, or horror movies or shoot and slash video games, and few could read back then. Besides even if you could read and/or write, the church and governments both censored books and burnt the ones they found disagreeable.

QUOTE: Salvianus, a priest of Marseilles of the fifth century, deplores the vanished virtue of the pagan world and declares that "The whole body of Christians is a sink of iniquity." "Very few," he says, "avoid evil." He challenges his readers: "How many in the Church will you find that are not drunkards or adulterers, or fornicators, or gamblers, or robbers, or murderers--or all together?" (De Gubernatione Dei, III, 9) Gregory of Tours, in the next century, gives, incredible as it may seem, an even darker picture of the Christian world, over part of which he presides. You cannot read these truths, unless you can read bad Latin, because they are never translated. It is the flowers, the rare examples of virtue, the untruths of Eusebius and the Martyrologies, that are translated. It is the legends of St. Agnes and St. Catherine, the heroic fictions of St. Lawrence and St. Sebastian that you read. But there were ten vices for every virtue, ten lies for every truth, a hundred murders for every genuine martyrdom.

--Joseph McCabe, How Christianity Triumphed


TIM: Any punishment, to be effective, must be consistent, and it must come as soon after the deed to be punished as possible.

ED: Then I guess fear of eternal hell is not a major deterent since it comes too late, after the murderous deeds are already done, and only at the very end of one's own life. Actually fear of hell serves mainly to keep people in whatever religion they belong to, more than anything else.


TIM: Convicted murderers who are released from jail or on parole are more likely to kill than anybody else. Moreover, convicted killers can, and have, killed prisoners and/or guards in prison. By not putting a premeditated killer to death, we risk the lives of every person that killer comes into contact with, even when we send him to jail.

ED: That's a great question. Though some guards are probably killed by people sent to prison for crimes other than murder, or killed during general prison uprisings when lots of prisoners go ape at once. As for murderers that murder guards, who ever said being a guard was easy, or that the prison system in general was easy? It's like being a combat soldier, and nobody is forced to be a prison guard.


TIM: But forgiveness on the personal level does not absolve the state of administering due justice. Surely no one would argue that there should be no more jails, because for now on all the victims should just forgive the criminals!

ED: That's common sense of course. Both Martin Luther and John Calvin would agree that trying to turn Jesus's commands to love one's enemy, not store up treasure on earth, give to all who ask, and ask nothing in return, into LAWS, doesn't seem possible. However the Old Testament commands were expected to suit an entire nation.

I might add that just as you pointed out that "forgiveness on the personal level does not absolve the State from administering due justice," Luther and Calvin pointed out that "forgiveness on the personal level does not absolve the State from administering due justice to heretics and blasphemers." They said that the Sermon on the Mount did not apply to the necessity of killing blasphemers and heretics as ordered by God in the Old Testament. Luther even said that he could forgive his personal enemies for hating him as a person, and that he would even hand his personal enemies a drink if they were dying of thirst to help spare their lives, exactly as he was taught to do by Jesus in the Sermon on the Mount. BUT... if that person should not be merely a personal enemy, but also be an enemy of God or a blasphemer of the Bible, then it was each Christian's duty to serve God rather than serve man, and not help God's enemies in any physical way, but lay Biblical curses upon them, since to help blasphemers and heretics was tantamount to helping evil to fourish, which would lead to God being insulted and more people damned. Also, since the Old Testament says that a father may kill a man threatening his son's physical life, how much more justified is a Christian in killing a heretic who threatens the ETERNAL life of his son by spreading lies about God and his holy word?

I cite the verses from Luther and Calvin where they say such things, and interpret the Sermon on the Mount that way in chapter two of Leaving the Fold, "Fundamentalism's Grotesque Past." Calvin and Beza his student in Geneva each wrote books on the necessity of public magistrates to punish heretics according to the teachings of the Bible.

ANOTHER VERY IMPORTANT idea to consider concerning the death penalty is that having the authority to execute people is having a form of absolute power over people's lives, and like all such power it can corrupt. Having such power over others' lives or deaths can indeed corrupt those who wield it. Evidence can be manipulated to get the "right" people executed.

Hitler was at first praised for instance for clearing the streets of Germany of all its criminals. Even Southern Baptists praised Hitler, which I read in an old issue of the Baptist Courier. Even people in America and Britain at first praised Hitler. Later, whomever Hitler designated as a "criminal" was cleared from the streets. Such a temptation is diminished only if the authority to execute other people is diminished, and the civil power remains questioned by others, and if people in prisons are allowed to continue to live and speak and present new evidence.


ABORTION

TIM: If murdering millions of innocent children is not a crime, then what is?

ED: If there is "murdering" of millions of "children" taking place, please keep in mind that nature "murders" far more "children" than therapeutic abortions do. The pro-lifer, Dr. John Collins Harvey, admits, "Products of conception [often] die at either the zygote, morula, or blastocyst stage. They never reach the implant stage but are discharged in the menstrual flow of the next period. It is estimated that [this] occurs in more than 50 percent of conceptions. In such occurrences, a woman may never even know that she has been pregnant." Yet do I hear pro-lifers moved by that inconceivably hudge natural disaster just as everyone is whenever children are murdered by other natural disasters, like tsunamis and earthquakes? Do pro-lifers struggle with the natural disaster that continues to befall billions of zygotes each year around the world? I haven't seen anyone crying about all the "murdered children" in that case, nor raising their eyes to heaven and saying, "Why, God, why?" Does Jesus really "love all the little zygotes/children in the world?"--apparently only enough to give far less than 50 percent of all conceptions a whole and healthy start in life.

Do pro-lifers picket fertility clinics where they store thousands of frozen zygotes and demand that they all be removed from the freezer and implanted inside women, and given birth? Do pro-lifers complain that the fertility clinic that gives previously infertile couples new pregnancy options, has to fertilize lots of eggs at once and simply tosses away a lot of fertilized eggs in the process of fulfilling each couple's dream of conceiving a child of her own? No, apparently not.

However Pro-lifers DO cry out or weep whenever they see pictures of late term therapeutic abortions, pictures that they prize like manna from heaven. Well, I'm moved by such pictures too, but at least I know that late term abortions are the rarest kind, and those pictures do not reveal what health problems drove the women to have a late term abortion, because late term abortions are dangerous, and normally only performed if the woman's own health is in sufficient danger.

Conversely, most therapeutic abortions are first term abortions, and the woman's chances of dying from them are statistically lower than dying from carrying a fetus to full term.

And with morning after pills there is even less risk statistically of a woman dying than in the case of a first term abortion or carrying a fetus to full term. Morning after pills that make it so that the zygote never attaches to the uterine wall in the first place. It's a ball of cells at that point. No memory, no feeling of pain, and not a "child" except in chromosome number. Neither is it an individual at that point, because up till about 14 days after conception is when most twinning takes place. Each zygote is a potential pair of individuals or even six individuals, rather than being a potential individual. So we can't even say a zygote is an individual.

ALL FOR NOW.

Christians Have as Many Abortions as Everyone Else, Catholics Have More

A new study by The Center For Reason (www.CenterForReason.com) finds that Christians have just as many abortions as their non-Christian counterparts. The study concludes that in the year 2000, Christians were responsible for 570,000 abortions. Catholics were found to be the worst offenders, with abortion rates higher than the national average.

San Francisco, Calif. (PRWEB) March 12, 2006 -- With over one million abortions being performed in the US each year, this issue has dominated the political landscape. In recent years the rhetoric has escalated, with the pro-life movement becoming a flagship for Christian morality and ethics. The prevailing Christian doctrine--that abortion is murder--has polarized the issue, firmly placing the vast majority of Christians on the pro-life side of the debate.

Incendiary comments by some of the more outspoken Christian figureheads have sought to portray abortion as an “evil” perpetrated by the non-Christian left. In response to this, The Center For Reason, a private research group, undertook a study to test the premise: “Christians have fewer abortions than non-Christians”. The results disproved the premise.

The study, available as a downloadable report, reveals that Christians have just as many abortions as non-Christians. Data analyzed for all fifty states show that the rate of abortion is the same in the most-Christian segments of the population as it is in the least-Christian. The most-Catholic segments, on the other hand, showed significantly higher abortion rates.

All data sources used in the study are publicly available, and are referenced in the report. All raw data and calculated values are tabulated in the report, to allow full verification of the results.

The report, titled “The Landscape of Abortion”, may be downloaded.

This research was undertaken to test the premise: “Christians have fewer abortions than non-Christians”. This topic was chosen in response to the very-public stance of certain far-right Christian groups, who assert that abortion is an evil perpetrated by the non-Christian left.

The results disproved the premise. It transpires that Christians have just as many abortions as their non-Christian counterparts. The study concludes that in the year 2000, Christians had approximately 570,000 abortions. Within the Christian segment, Catholics were found to have abortion rates significantly higher than the national average.

posted by Center for Reason at Friday, March 10, 2006

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Abortion Law, History & Religion

Abortion Has Always Been With Us

In 1955, the anthropologist George Devereux demonstrated that abortion has been practised in almost all human communities from the earliest times.1 The patterns of abortion use, in hundreds of societies around the world since before recorded history, have been strikingly similar. Women faced with unwanted pregnancies have turned to abortion, regardless of religious or legal sanction and often at considerable risk.2 Used to deal with upheavals in personal, family, and community life, abortion has been called “a fundamental aspect of human behaviour”.3

In primitive tribal societies, abortions were induced by using poisonous herbs, sharp sticks, or by sheer pressure on the abdomen until vaginal bleeding occurred. Abortion techniques are described in the oldest known medical texts.2 The ancient Chinese and Egyptians had their methods and recipes to cause abortion, and Greek and Roman civilizations considered abortion an integral part of maintaining a stable population. Ancient instruments, such as the ones found at Pompeii and Herculaneum, were much like modern surgical instruments. The Greeks and Romans also had various poisons administered in various ways, including through tampons.

Socrates,4 Plato and Aristotle2 were all known to suggest abortion. Even Hippocrates, who spoke against abortion because he feared injury to the woman, recommended it on occasion by prescribing violent exercises.2 Roman morality placed no social stigma on abortion.

Early Christians condemned abortion, but did not view the termination of a pregnancy to be an abortion before "ensoulment", the definition of when life began in the womb. Up to 400 AD., as the relatively few Christians were widely scattered geographically, the actual practice of abortion among Christians probably varied considerably and was influenced by regional customs and practices.5

Evolving Position of the Christian Church

St. Augustine (AD 354-430) said, “There cannot yet be said to be a live soul in a body that lacks sensation”, and held that abortion required penance only for the sexual aspect of the sin.6 He and other early Christian theologians believed, as had Aristotle centuries before, that "animation", or the coming alive of the fetus, occurred forty days after conception for a boy and eighty days after conception for a girl. The conclusion that early abortion is not homicide is contained in the first authoritative collection of canon law accepted by the church in 1140.6 As this collection was used as an instruction manual for priests until the new Code of Canon Law of 1917, its view of abortion has had great influence.6

At the beginning of the 13th century, Pope Innocent III wrote that “quickening” —the time when a woman first feels the fetus move within her— was the moment at which abortion became homicide; prior to quickening, abortion was a less serious sin. Pope Gregory XIV agreed, designating quickening as occurring after a period of 116 days (about 17 weeks). His declaration in 1591 that early abortion was not grounds for excommunication continued to be the abortion policy of the Catholic Church until 1869.

The tolerant approach to abortion which had prevailed in the Roman Catholic Church for centuries ended at the end of the nineteenth century.7 In 1869, Pope Pius IX officially eliminated the Catholic distinction between an animated and a nonanimated fetus and required excommunication for abortions at any stage of pregnancy.

This change has been seen by some as a means of countering the rising birth control movement, especially in France,8 with its declining Catholic population. In Italy, during the years 1848 to 1870, the papal states shrank from almost one-third of the country to what is now Vatican City. It has been argued that the Pope's restriction on abortion was motivated by a need to strengthen the Church’s spiritual control over its followers in the face of this declining political power.8

Early Legal Opinion

Historically, religious beliefs coloured legal opinion on abortion. From 1307 to 1803, abortion before the fetus moved perceptibly or "quickened" was not punished under English common law, and not regarded by society at large as a moral problem.9 Because most abortions took place before quickening, punishment was rare.10 Even if performed after quickening, the offense was usually considered a misdemeanour.2 This was the case until the nineteenth century; the entry of the state into the regulation of abortion has been relatively recent.11

Two prominent legal cases from fourteenth century England illustrate prevailing practices at that time. In both the "Twinslayer's Case" of 1327 and the "Abortionist's Case" of 1348, the judges refused to make causing the death of a fetus a legal offence. The judges were, in this pre-Reformation period, all Roman Catholic.

In 1670, the question of whether or not abortion was murder came before the English judge, Sir Matthew Hale. Hale decided that if a woman died as a result of an abortion then the abortionist was guilty of murder. No mention was made of the fetus.12

This tolerant common-law approach ended in 1803 when a criminal abortion law was codified by Lord Ellenborough. The abortion of a "quick" fetus became a capital offence, while abortions performed prior to quickening incurred lesser penalties. An article in the 1832 London Legal Examiner justified the new laws on the grounds of protecting women from the dangerous abortion techniques which were popular at the time:

"The reason assigned for the punishment of abortion is not that thereby an embryo human being is destroyed, but that it rarely or ever can be effected with drugs without sacrifice of the mother's life."12

In the United States, similar legislative iniatives began in the 1820’s and proceeded state by state as the American frontier moved westward. In 1858, the New Jersey Supreme Court, pronouncing upon the state’s new abortion law, said:

“The design of the statute was not to prevent the procuring of abortions, so much as to guard the health and life of the mother against consequences of such attempts.”12

During the nineteenth century, legal barriers to abortion were erected throughout the western world. In 1869 the Canadian Parliament enacted a criminal law which prohibited abortion and punished it with a penalty of life imprisonment. This law mirrored the laws of a number of provinces in pre-Confederation Canada; all of these statutes were more or less modelled on the English legislation of Lord Ellenborough.13

Pressure for restrictions was not coming from the general public. Physicians were in the forefront of the crusade to criminalize abortion in England,14 the U.S.15 and Canada.16 They were voicing concern for the health of women and the destruction of fetal life. However, “there is substantial evidence that medical men were concerned not only for the welfare of the potential victims of abortion but also to further the process of establishing and consolidating their status as a profession.”17 Women were turning to midwives, herbalists, drug dispensers and sometimes quacks to end their pregnancies, and doctors wanted to gain control over the practice of medicine and elevate the status of their profession.18

Race and class were also factors in the passage of the new wave of anti-abortion laws. Abortion was increasingly being used by white, married, Protestant, middle and upper class women to control their family size. “Nativists” (those who were “native-born” to the new country) in Canada, for instance, voiced their concern about what they called the “race suicide” of the Anglo-Saxon population9 in relation to the burgeoning French-Canadian and “foreign” immigrant populations. Anglo-Saxon women who refused maternity by employing contraception or abortion were condemned as “traitors to the race”. Accordingly, the Canadian parliament made contraception illegal in 1892, following the example of the U.S.

Another interpretation of the trend toward more restrictive abortion legislation focuses on nation states’ demographic concerns. Powerful social pressures for population increase meant that “the concern was perhaps more for the quantity of human beings than for the quality of human life.”19

In the words of the authors of Our Bodies, Ourselves:

“.just at a time when women’s increasing understanding of conception was helping them to avoid pregnancy, certain governments and religious groups desired continued population growth to fill growing industries and new farmable territories.”20

Despite its criminalization, women continued to regard induced miscarriage before the fetus “quickened” as entirely ethical, and were surprised to learn that it was illegal.21 Women saw themselves as doing what was necessary to bring back their menses, to “put themselves right”. In the words of historians Angus and Arlene Tigar McLaren,

“Doctors were never to be totally successful in convincing women of the immorality of abortion. For many it was to remain an essential method of fertility control.”21

Women continued to have abortions in roughly the same proportions as they had prior to its criminalization.5 After it was criminalized, abortion simply went underground and became a clandestine and therefore much more dangerous operation for women to undergo.

During the latter part of the nineteenth century, European views on the restriction of abortion were spread by the colonial powers throughout Africa, Asia and beyond.2 The strict prohibitions of Spain are reflected in many statutes decreed in South America, for example. Toward the end of the 19th century, China and Japan, at the time under the influence of Western powers, also criminalized abortion for the first time.2

American historian James C. Mohr makes the point that from an historical perspective, the nineteenth century’s wave of restrictive abortion laws can be seen as a deviation from the norm, a period of interruption of the historically tolerant attitude towards abortion.22

Twentieth Century

“From the second half of the 19th century, through World War II, abortion was highly restricted almost everywhere. Liberalization of abortion laws occurred in most of the countries of Eastern and Central Europe in the 1950s and in almost all the remaining developed countries during the 1960s and 1970s. A few developing countries also relaxed their restrictions on abortion during the same period, most notably China and India.”23

A number of factors have been recognized as contributing to this liberalizing trend.24 Attitudes toward sexuality and procreation were changing, and the reduced influence of religious institutions was a related factor.24 In some countries, rubella epidemics and thalidomide created awareness of the need for legal abortion. In others, there was concern about population growth. Illegal abortion had long been a serious public health hazard,25 and eventually women being injured or dying from unnecessarily dangerous abortions became a concern. Arguments were made in favour of the right of poor women to have access to abortion services. More recently, women’s right to control their fertility has been recognized.24

While the pace of abortion law reform has slowed, the overall movement is still in the direction of liberalization. Recently, however, restrictions have increased in a few countries.24

“As often happens when rapid social change occurs, the movement to legalize abortion has generated resistance and a counter movement. Strenuous efforts are being made to increase restrictions on abortion and to block further liberalization of laws, especially in the United States. [and] the former Communist countries,.but [anti-abortionists] are also highly visible in Canada, England, France, Germany, Italy. and other developed as well as developing countries.”24

The degree of liberalization has varied from country to country. Abortion laws are usually grouped according to “indications”, or circumstances under which abortions can be performed. The most restrictive laws either completely ban abortions or restrict them to cases where the pregnancy poses a risk to the woman’s life. Other laws also consider risks to the physical and mental health of the woman or her fetus. Some also allow abortion for social-medical or economic reasons, as in the case where an additional child will bring undue burdens to an existing family. The broadest category allows abortion on request (usually within the first trimester).

ENDNOTES

1. George Devereux, “A Typological Study of Abortion in 350 Primitive, Ancient and Pre-Industrial Societies”, in Therapeutic Abortion, ed. Harold Rosen, New York: The Julian Press Inc., 1954.

2. H.P. David, “Abortion Policies”, in Abortion and Sterilization: Medical and Social Aspects, J.E. Hodgson, ed., Grune and Stratton, New York, 1981, pp.1-40.

3. Nan Chase, “Abortion: A Long History Can’t Be Stopped”, Vancouver Sun, May 1, 1989.

4. Wendell W. Watters, Compulsory Parenthood: the Truth about Abortion, McClelland and Stewart, Toronto, 1976, p.52.

5. Deborah R. McFarlane, “Induced Abortion: An Historical Overview”, American Journal of Gynaecologic Health, Vo. VII, No. 3, May/June 1993, pp.77-82.

6. Jane Hurst, “The History of Abortion in the Catholic Church: The Untold Story”, Catholics for a Free Choice, Washington, D.C., 1983.

7. Wendell W. Watters, p.79.

8. Ibid, pp.92-3.

9. Alison Prentice et al, Canadian Women: A History, Harcourt Brace

Jovanovich, Canada, pg.165.

10. Donald P. Kommers,”Abortion in Six Countries: A Comparative Legal Analysis,in Abortion, Medicine and the LawFourth edition, J.D. Butler & D.F. Walbert, eds., Facts on File, N.Y.1992, p.312.

11. Janine Brodie et al, The Politics of Abortion, Oxford University Press, Toronto, 1992, p.9.

12. Jimmey Kinney.Ms., April 1973, p.48-9.

13. A. Anne McLellan, “Abortion Law in Canada”, in Abortion, Medicine and the Law, op. cit, p.334.

14. Donald P. Kommers, p.317.

15. James C. Mohr, Abortion in America: The Origins and Evolution of National Policy, New York: Oxford University Press, 1978.

16. Constance Backhouse, Petticoats and Prejudice: Women and the Law in Nineteenth Century Canada, Women’s Press, Toronto.

17. Terry, “England”, in Abortion and Protection of the Human Fetus 78, (S. Frankowski and G. Cole, eds., 1987).

18. James C. Mohr, p.244.

19. Wendell W. Watters, p. xv.

20. Boston Women’s Health Book Collective, Our Bodies, Ourselves, 2nd ed. (New York: Simon & Shuster, 1971), p.216-7.

21. Angus McLaren and Arlene Tigar McLaren,The Bedroom and the State: The Changing Practices and Politics of Contraception and Abortion in Canada 1880-1980, M & S,Toronto.,1986, p.38-9.

22. James C. Mohr, p.259.

23. Stanley K. Henshaw, “Induced Abortion: A World Review, 1990”, Family Planning Perspectives, Vol. 22, No. 2, March/April 1990, p.78.

24. Stanley K. Henshaw, “Recent Trends in the Legal Status of Induced Abortion”, Journal of Public Health Policy, Summer, 1994, pp.165-172.